Cyber warfare
- new arms race
By: S M Hali
Cyberwarfare has been defined as politically-motivated hacking to
conduct sabotage and espionage. It is a kind of information warfare that some
pundits compare to conventional warfare, although this analogy is controversial
and has dangerous implications meriting closer examination. Richard A. Clarke,
US government security expert, in his book Cyber War (May 2010), defines:
“Cyberwarfare“ as “actions by a nation-state to penetrate another nation’s
computers or networks for the purposes of causing damage or disruption.” The
Economist describes cyberspace as “the fifth domain of warfare”, while William
J. Lynn, US Deputy Secretary of Defence, states that “as a doctrinal matter,
the Pentagon has formally recognised cyberspace as a new domain in
warfare…….[which] has become just as critical to military operations as land,
sea, air and space.”
These perilous trends are evident from the disclosure made by David E.
Sanger, Chief Washington Correspondent for the New York Times, in his new book
Confront and Conceal (June 2012). He discloses that in an effort to disrupt
Iran’s quest for developing nuclear weapons and desisting Israel from
militarily attacking Iranian nuclear facilities, US President George W. Bush
had authorised the joint US-Israeli development of cyber weapons to sabotage
Iranian nuclear plants. According to
Sanger, the operation codenamed “Olympic Games” instituted in 2006 aimed at
creating a computer worm, which would penetrate and destroy Iran’s nuclear
facilities. Sanger’s chilling narrative - based on interviews of current and
former American, European and Israeli officials involved in the programme -
reveals that the first stage involved inserting a “beacon” into the Iranian
computers, with the help of a clandestine action through the German company
Siemens and an Iranian manufacturer to map their operations. The goal was to
gain access to the Natanz plant’s industrial computer controls by leaping the
electronic moat, which cut it (the plant) off from the Internet called the air
gap, because it physically separates the facility from the outside world. The
computer code would invade the specialised computers that command the
centrifuges. This enabled the beacon to draw the equivalent of an electrical
blueprint of the Natanz plant to understand how the computers control the giant
silvery centrifuges that spin at tremendous speeds, seize control of the
centrifuges and facilitate their failure by electronically varying their speed
of rotation, causing the rotors to destroy the centrifuge.
For years, the CIA had introduced faulty parts and designs into Iran’s
systems - even tinkering with imported power supplies so that they would blow
up - but the sabotage had had relatively little effect. Under “Olympic Games”,
the US-Israeli nexus developed a complex worm that necessitated testing.
Sanger divulges that the US began building replicas of Iran’s P-1
centrifuges, an aging, unreliable design. The US already owned some P-1s, which
the Libyan strongman, Colonel Moammar Al-Qaddafi, had reportedly acquired from
Pakistan and then surrendered to the US in 2003, which were placed in storage
at a weapons laboratory in Tennessee. The military and intelligence officials
overseeing “Olympic Games” borrowed some for what they termed “destructive
testing”, essentially building a virtual replica of Natanz, but spreading the
test over several of the Energy Department’s national laboratories to keep even
the most trusted nuclear workers from figuring out what was afoot.
Sanger reveals that President Barack Obama authorised the cyber attacks
on Natanz and despite a 2010 hiccup, destroyed more than 1,000 of the 5,000
centrifuges Iran had spinning at the time to purify uranium, setting back the
Iranian nuclear programme by 18 months. The US government only recently
acknowledged developing cyber weapons, but has never admitted using them. There
have been reports of one-time attacks against personal computers used by
members of Al-Qaeda, and of contemplated attacks against the computers that run
air defence systems, including during the Nato-led air attack on Libya last
year. But “Olympic Games” was of an entirely different type and sophistication.
Apparently, for the first time, the US has repeatedly used cyber
weapons to cripple another country’s infrastructure, achieving with computer
code what until then could be accomplished only by bombing a country or sending
in agents to plant explosives. In executing these attacks, the US has unleashed
a new weapon, which can have lethal consequences. Imagine disrupting air
traffic operations or the power sources of a hostile nation, which could
cripple hospitals and banks. The demon unleashed through cyberwarfare can well
target the US too and would know no bounds. To rein in this latest arms race,
the rules of engagement must be redrawn to avoid an apocalypse.
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